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China’s huge domestic market and its cautious approach to integration with the global financial system may have helped cushion the impact of the continuing financial tsunami, but China’s economy is in no way immune to this global challenge. China’s unemployment rate is expected to reach 4.6% by the end of this year, the worst figure since 1980. Even the most optimistic estimate predicts that at least 20 million of the 130 million migrant workers will lose their urban jobs in 2009. In light of such pent-up frustration, it may be reasonable to ponder the option of expanding avenues for public participation in governance, as this may help serve as a safety valve for releasing social tension. Charter 08, a petition released on December 10, 2008, represents the latest effort to articulate this theory. The document is a deliberate attempt to imitate the founding of the Charter 77 movement in Czechoslovakia and it calls for reforms enshrining the universal values of freedom, human rights, equality, republicanism, democracy, and constitutional rule. Unsurprisingly, the Chinese government has responded with coercive measures and a number of signers have been interrogated and held in police custody.
Political reforms as safety valve?
It may be unfair to say that the Chinese government has been totally indifferent to popular demands for political reform, but for the Party leadership under Hu Jintao, 2009 is hardly an ideal year for audacious change in political institutions. It is the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Incident and the fiftieth anniversary of the Liberation of Tibet. As the global economic crisis continues, it will also be a year of social and economic dislocations. For Party leaders, “social harmony,” a synonym for maintenance of the status quo and suspension of diversity, is the priority. Contrary to the ideas of liberals who see political freedom and democracy as the solution to conflicts and tension, the Party regards economic stabilization as a more reliable option for preserving order.
Economic stability as the prime concern
Central to the response to the trying time ahead is a 4-trillion-yuan ($586 billion) plan to boost the national economy and a drastic increase in public expenditure. Generous support has been bestowed upon sectors directly related to people’s livelihood. These include, for examples:
-18% increase in social security spending
-850 billion yuan will be allocated for medical and healthcare reforms over the next three years
For the Chinese leaders and the CCP, economic growth is the proven way to placate the people and preserve the Party’s legitimacy. Political reforms that may help strengthen the administrative competence of the Chinese bureaucracy or contribute to a more business-friendly environment are deemed as relevant and thus welcomed by the regime. Political liberalization, as advocated by vocal intellectuals and dissidents in exile, is not. Realistically, an opening for political
reforms will only emerge when the Party feels comfortable with its power position and is confident of its ability to control the pace and direction of those reforms. The turbulence and adversity inherent in the current global financial meltdown hardly seem conducive to these sentiments.
For the full version of this article, please visit:
http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2009/04_china_yep.aspx
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